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Trump’s Coronavirus Response Will Be His Toxic Legacy
There is no moment Trump can ever rise to, he only sinks to his most base nature
SEAN WOODS
MARCH 22, 2020 10:04AM ET
His handling of this pandemic is how history will remember Donald Trump. Fifty years from now historians will not spend much time on Russiagate, Robert Mueller or Dirty Dossiers and alleged pee tapes, nor will massive tax cuts for the rich or the endless petty insults and the litany of lies make much of a mark. In a time of national crisis, the president is failing the most basic tests of leadership. He spends his time in front of the camera attacking the media, spreading disinformation and sowing racism. His response should come as no surprise. These have been the signature moves of his presidency and in normal times, these actions were bad enough, in a pandemic they are destabilizing and destructive.
Who could doubt that Bill Clinton, Ronald Reagan, Barack Obama or George Bush I and II would have struck somber and fatherly tones in the crisis? They would have attempted to soothe a country in distress and ease the minds of the people — to be sure, much of this would have been bromides. But it turns out, that’s a big part of the job. Trump has from day one completely abdicated the moral authority of the office, perhaps knowing intuitively that his moral compass was so hopelessly bent that it was pointless to try. It would be hard to underestimate the unexpected and deleterious effects this has had on the presidency. As we all isolate and seek shelter, to not have someone who is of good character at the helm only adds to the extreme anxiety, anger and coming heartbreak.
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There have already been so many stories of heroism and bravery. Doctors, nurses and first responders struggle against a rising tide of patients and are themselves at risk. Sanitation workers, pharmacists, and grocery store clerks are putting themselves in harm’s way. Everyday Americans are doing vital work, despite the commander-in-chief lowering the bar of the most important job in the world. Never forget, Trump played golf as the number of cases surged.
We have seen what real crisis leadership looks like from Gov. Jay Inslee and Gov. Andrew Cuomo — both have been honest, blunt and at times inspirational. Trump is never that. It turns out in a time of crisis a conman is not up for the task. We have had terrible presidents before and will again, but unlike those who came before, Trump has shown us the worst of ourselves. The reflection is not pretty. How people react in stressful situations can tell you a lot about them, for the president to be so ineffectual and dishonest is damning. After the last few weeks, what sane person would want Trump in their foxhole?
There is no moment Trump can ever rise to, he only sinks to his most base nature. The record of his mishandling and deceptions about the COVID-19 virus are clear as day and exactly like how he handles everything else — only this time the scale is so monumental and the threat so critical that it can’t be swept away by the news cycle. For more than three years we have seen him blunder and rage from one drama to the next, some serious and deadly like abandoning the Kurds in Syria, some foolish like the size the crowd at his inauguration. Through it all, Trump consistently displays a smallness of character, a signature brand of toxic narcissism and a nasty mean streak; his only gifts being an instinctual understanding of his supporters and a mediocre talent to work a crowd like some cheap Borscht Belt comedian. That will not be enough in the face of a pandemic.
Trump knows this is how he will be judged. That’s why he’s growing so unhinged in public. He’s going to his familiar playbook and trying all his tricks. But a virus is not something he can insult or lie his way out of. People are dying. Our economy, seemingly so strong, cratered in a mere ten days. The virus is not Trump’s fault of course, but the dismantling of the pandemic response team at the National Security Council surely is. Ignoring the threat for months also rests on his shoulders. The nation is now on the brink, and how he handles the crisis is his test. It should be clear to all, he’s failing miserably.
This country has been through a lot in the last 20 years. We have faced terror attacks, mass shootings, environmental disasters and a financial crisis to name a few, and somewhere along the way we grew more divided, to the point where we can’t even agree on facts. We will get through both this virus and the toxic presidency of Donald Trump — but the road forward is treacherous and full of peril and there is no doubt we will never be the same.
© 2020 PMC. All rights reserved.
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Donald Trump
Trump talks himself up as ‘wartime president’ to lead America through a crisis
The president initially scoffed at the coronavirus. Now he seems convinced he can lead – and secure four more years in November
Sun 22 Mar 2020 02.00 EDT
Bill Clinton used to lament that his time as US president was broadly peaceful, and lacked a historic test of his mettle. Donald Trump believes that his moment has arrived: a crisis on a par with leading a nation at war.
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“I view it as a, in a sense, a wartime president,” he said at the White House this week as he belatedly comprehended the epic scale of the coronavirus pandemic, which in the US alone has infected more than 19,000 people and killed more than 200. “I mean, that’s what we’re fighting.”
The world witnessed two Trumps in often jarring conflict last week, sometimes in the same breath. One was aspiring to be statesmanlike, reassuring an anguished public and mobilizing the awesome power of the American government. The other was more familiar: belligerent, anti-science, racially divisive, airing grievances and resentments and blaming everyone but himself.
Yet from the blur something else was coming into focus. Having procrastinated at the outbreak of the pandemic, this was the week Trump regained his footing and began to thread a narrative aimed at his re-election.
The bid for four more years of power includes muscular language, projecting himself as a wartime leader, a dose of nationalism in stricter border controls and references to the “Chinese virus”, and a blitzkrieg at his old foes in the media.
Although he can no longer hold rambunctious campaign rallies, Trump is instead relishing the medium he knows best by holding televised daily briefings from the White House. Whereas for a while he was forced to play second fiddle to the Democratic presidential primary, now rival Joe Biden is forced to host virtual campaign events – plagued by technical glitches - and Trump is back at the centre of events.
Steve Bannon, a former White House chief strategist, said: “We are at war, and now by necessity he is a ‘wartime’ president. Churchill rose to the occasion and secured his place in history. Trump’s moment is here, to grasp or to lose.”
So far there is little sign that even this trauma, which is shutting down much of the country, has shifted America’s political divide.
Democrats have eviscerated the president for downplaying the threat of the virus – Despite Trump’s vague and over-optimistic claims, America is still woefully lacking in testing kits and equipment , and its notoriously flawed healthcare system could soon be overwhelmed.
However, as in so many other political flashpoints over the past three years, Republicans remain loyal to Trump, and there is no evidence that his “base” is deserting him. An ABC News/Ipsos poll released on Friday found that 55% of respondents approve of the president’s management of the coronavirus crisis, while 43% disapprove. This represented a switch from a week earlier when only 43% approved 54% disapproved.
The finding may reflect a discernible change in Trump’s attitude, starting on Friday 13 March when he declared a national emergency. He then expanded travel restrictions on Europe, Canada and Mexico, issued guidelines against group gatherings of more than 10 people, signaled his support for sending cheques to affected Americans and invoked the Defense Production Act to mass produce equipment.
There was also a change in tone, as tried to sound more sombre and serious – with mixed success – and alluded to the fight against Hitler. “Every generation of Americans has been called to make shared sacrifices for the good of the nation,” he said on Wednesday, citing the teenage volunteers, factory workers and ship builders of the second world war.
“And now it’s our time. We must sacrifice together because we are all in this together and we’ll come through together. It’s the invisible enemy.”
Henry Olsen, a senior fellow at the Ethics and Public Policy Center thinktank in Washington, said: “It’s the sort of thing that will resonate with his supporters: strength, decisiveness and, let’s not forget, this came from a communist country.”
At first the concept of a microscopic “invisible enemy” did not fit the old Trump playbook that prefers to target people, often people of color. But in the past week he found a fix with some characteristic branding, “Chinese virus”, to constantly remind the public where the respiratory infection originated. On Thursday Trump even crossed out the word “corona” in his prepared remarks and hand wrote “Chinese” instead.
There was criticism of the term as a xenophobic ploy to fire up his “build the wall” support base.
Olsen said he would have awarded Trump a grade D two weeks ago but the president is now quickly waking up to reality. “This would be a test of any president and things can change as people rally round. We’ve got a test of the thesis of the anti-Trump and Never Trump crowd: they always told us when a true crisis came, he wouldn’t be able to handle it. Events will speak for themselves.”
If the number of deaths soars and the economy craters, Olsen noted, Trump is likely to lose in November. But if the opposite happens, “he’ll be able to say he was up to the test. In a sense, we’re at the roulette table and everything is on black and we don’t know where it’s going to land.”
The virus has scrambled Washington’s political order. The election has temporarily become a sideshow as Congress rushes through billions of dollars in stimulus to stave off a 1930s-style great depression. Senate Republicans, typically the party of small government, low taxes and rugged individualism, proposed a direct payment to Americans of up to $1,200.
Trump earned praise from Andrew Cuomo and Gavin Newsom, the Democratic governors of New York and California states respectively. Yet the president could not resist tweeting attacks at Cuomo and Gretchen Whitmer, the Democratic governor of Michigan. He played little part in negotiating with the Democratic-led House of Representatives, which impeached him a few months ago, dispatching treasury secretary Steven Mnuchin instead.
In the daily White House briefings the old Trump was never far away, with misleading claims, attempts to blame his predecessor and unhinged outbursts that likely had the career health professionals at his side inwardly cringing. On Friday a reporter asked the president for his message to Americans who are feeling scared. The reply was less than Churchillian: “I say that you’re a terrible reporter. That’s what I say. I think it’s a very nasty question and I think it’s a very bad signal that you’re putting out to the American people.”
Leon Panetta, a former defense secretary and director of the CIA, said: “He’s still wrapped up in the political traps that he constantly gets bound by as to the press and the Democrats and whoever else is out there who he tweets about. He’s still caught in that paralysis that prevents him, frankly, from really exercising the leadership that the country needs.”
Regarding Trump’s use of the phrase “Chinese virus”, Panetta added: “I have to believe that he continues to use that term as a way to appeal to his base as opposed to trying to exercise what I think would be more responsible leadership in acknowledging that what we’re now dealing with, whether he likes it or not, is the American virus.”
Trump has generally found bad publicity to more useful than no publicity at all. The crisis has handed him a dominant national platform where Vice President Mike Pence and other officials lavish him with praise. Biden, meanwhile, marked his latest victories in the Democratic primary race in a streamed video from his home in Wilmington, Delaware, speaking for six minutes in front of a black curtain with no audience.
Wendy Schiller, a political science professor at Brown University in Providence, Rhode Island, said: “It’s perfectly conceivable Trump survives this and wins the election. If he can keep the death toll down, sell the idea that it could have been worse and show he was a volatile character who turned the corner in a crisis, it’s going to be hard for Biden to unseat him.
“Showing minimal compassion in the case of Donald Trump may be all he has to do to win in 2020.”
Should the coronavirus kill thousands and wreak economic destruction, however, voters may well turn to Barack Obama’s vice-president for steadiness and wisdom. Schiller said: “Biden is the epitome of the opposite of Trump in a crisis. If people are going to turn away from Trump, Biden is exactly the person they will go for.”
Panetta, who has endorsed Biden for president, believes this latter scenario will come to pass. He said: “History is not going to be kind with the fact that they knew about this pandemic going back a number of months and did very little to prepare the country .
© 2020 Guardian News & Media Limited or its affiliated companies. All rights reserved.
Used to Meeting Challenges With Bluster and Force, Trump Confronts a Crisis Unlike Any Before
The ways he dealt with crises in his business, real estate and even his personal life prove jarring as he leads the government’s response to a pandemic.
“We’ve done a phenomenal job on this,” President Trump said at a news briefing in recent days, congratulating himself for how he has managed a crisis he only recently acknowledged.Credit...Erin Schaff/The New York Times
By Peter Baker and Maggie Haberman
March 21, 2020Updated 5:49 p.m. ET
WASHINGTON — During his campaign for the White House in 2016, President Trump’s advisers briefly tried to run through with him how he would address a large-scale disaster if he won. What, for instance, would he have done during Hurricane Katrina?
“I would have fixed that,” Mr. Trump replied with certitude, referring to the government’s bungled rescue and recovery efforts, according to a campaign official who was present for the exchange. “I would have come up with a much better response.” How? He did not say. He just asserted it would have been better and advisers did not press him to elaborate.
Mr. Trump is no stranger to crisis. He has spent a lifetime grappling with bankruptcy, fending off creditors, evading tax collectors, defending lawsuits, deflecting regulators, spinning reporters and dueling with estranged wives, usually coming out ahead, at least as he defines it. But these were crises of his own creation involving human adversaries he knew how to confront. Nothing in his background in business, entertainment or multiple marriages prepared him for the coronavirus pandemic now threatening America’s health and wealth.
Mr. Trump’s performance on the national stage in recent weeks has put on display the traits that Democrats and some Republicans consider so jarring — the profound need for personal praise, the propensity to blame others, the lack of human empathy, the penchant for rewriting history, the disregard for expertise, the distortion of facts, the impatience with scrutiny or criticism. For years, skeptics expressed concern about how he would handle a genuine crisis threatening the nation, and now they know.
“When he’s faced a problem, he has sought to somehow cheat or fix the outcome ahead of time so that he could construct a narrative that showed him to be the winner,” said Michael D’Antonio, a Trump biographer. “And when it was all about feuds with other celebrities or contests over ratings or hotel branding, he could do that and no one cared enough to really check. And the bluster and bragging worked.”
“But in this case,” Mr. D’Antonio added, “he tried that in the beginning and you can’t brag or bluster your way out of people dying. And I think more than the suffering, the human suffering, it’s been the inexorable quality of the data that’s forced him to change.”
Only after viral projections grew more dire and markets began to tank did Mr. Trump shift tone and appear to take the threat more seriously, finally adopting a more aggressive set of policies to compel Americans to stay away from one another while trying to mitigate the economic damage.
The New York Stock Exchange this month as markets have plunged over worries about the coronavirus pandemic. Credit...John Taggart for The New York Times
Some in the public seem to have responded. Fifty-five percent of Americans approved of his handling of the crisis in a poll by ABC News and Ipsos released on Friday, up from 43 percent the previous week. A Reuters poll, also conducted with Ipsos, put approval of his handling of the pandemic at 48 percent, up from 38 percent a couple weeks earlier, while surveys by The Economist and YouGov showed a smaller rise, from 41 percent to 45 percent.
But even as he has seemed to take the crisis more seriously, Mr. Trump has continued to make statements that conflicted with the government’s own public health experts and focused energy on blaming China, quarreling with reporters, claiming he knew that the coronavirus would be a pandemic even when he was minimizing its threat only a few weeks ago and congratulating himself for how he has managed a crisis he only recently acknowledged.
“We’ve done a fantastic job from just about every standpoint,” he said Tuesday. “We’ve done a great job,” he said Wednesday. “We’ve done a phenomenal job on this,” he said Thursday.
The next day he grew irritated when Peter Alexander of NBC News asked if he was giving Americans a “false sense of hope” by promising immediate delivery of a drug that experts said is not proven. Mr. Trump said he disagreed with them. “Just a feeling,” he said. “You know, I’m a smart guy. I feel good about it.”
Mr. Alexander moved onto his next question, a “softball” by his own reckoning, asking what Mr. Trump would say to Americans who were at home watching and scared. Most presidents would use the opportunity to offer reassuring words. But Mr. Trump was still steamed and snapped, “I say that you’re a terrible reporter. That’s what I say.”
Later in the same briefing, Yamiche Alcindor of PBS’s “NewsHour” asked when everyone who needed a coronavirus test would be able to get one, as he asserted two weeks ago that every person already could. “Nobody is even talking about it except for you, which doesn’t surprise me,” he said dismissively. How about people with symptoms who could not get a test, he was asked. “I’m not hearing it,” he replied.
The White House rejects any criticism of the president as illegitimate. “This great country has been faced with an unprecedented crisis, and while the Democrats and the media shamelessly try and destroy this president with a coordinated, relentless, biased political assault, President Trump has risen to fight this crisis head-on by taking aggressive historic action to protect the health, wealth and well-being of the American people,” Hogan Gidley, a White House spokesman, said in a statement.
Mr. Trump acted at the end of January to restrict travel from China, where the outbreak was first detected, and repeatedly points back to that decision, arguing that he saved lives as a result. But he resisted stronger action for weeks. Even as governors, mayors and businesses decided on their own to curb large gatherings and eventually close down schools, restaurants and workplaces, the president at first offered no guidance about whether to take such action.
He has repeatedly misrepresented the state of the response — promising a vaccine “soon” that will actually take at least a year to develop, insisting that tests were available while patients struggled to find any, boasting about the availability of millions of masks while health care workers took to stitching together homemade versions. And dismissing the threat for weeks may have led to complacency among some Americans who could have acted much sooner to take precautions.
Mr. Trump’s defensiveness over the pandemic has become a central dynamic inside the White House as officials wrestle with difficult policy choices. Aides have long understood that Mr. Trump needs to hear support for his decisions, preferably described in superlatives. He often second-guesses himself, prompting advisers to ask allies to tell him he made the right call or go on Fox News to make that point in case he might be watching.
Over the last week, as Mr. Trump has faced ever more draconian and expensive options, Jared Kushner, his son-in-law and senior adviser, sought to coax him into action by using bits of praise in news coverage or from other officials as a motivator, according to people familiar with the discussions.
Officials have learned that the president craves a constant diet of flattery, which they serve up during daily televised briefings. Vice President Mike Pence makes a point of repeating it day after day, sometimes repeatedly in the course of a single briefing. “Mr. President, from early on, you took decisive action,” he said during one.
Other advisers have followed suit. “Thank you, Mr. President, for gathering your public health experts here today and for your strong leadership in keeping America safe,” Alex M. Azar II, the secretary of health and human services, told him at one point. “I want to thank you for your leadership during this coronavirus outbreak,” Dr. Stephen M. Hahn, the commissioner of the Food and Drug Administration, told him at another.
Dr. Anthony S. Fauci, the infectious disease expert, is careful to maintain his viability within a political team.Credit...Erin Schaff/The New York Times
Even Dr. Anthony S. Fauci, the veteran infectious diseases expert known for his just-the-facts style, has sometimes joined in praise of the president, at one point referring to Mr. Trump’s “proactive, leaning-forward, aggressive, trying to stay ahead of the curve” approach. While Dr. Fauci does not hesitate to correct the president’s facts, as he did on Friday over the unproven drug, he does so politely, careful to maintain his viability within a political team. Still, many noticed that he put his hand to his face in seeming disbelief when Mr. Trump referred to his diplomats as the “Deep State Department.”
Representative Peter T. King, Republican of New York, said Mr. Trump had been unfairly criticized for his handling of the virus. “The media virtually ignore the president’s massive effort mobilizing the federal government, our industrial base and the scientific and medical community to combat this pandemic, rivaling F.D.R.’s arsenal of democracy,” he said.
Mr. King said that Mr. Trump was working with Democrats but the news media “prefer to dwell on initial failure of C.D.C. test kits and low inventory of masks and ventilators going back two administrations.” Still, he said of Mr. Trump, “He too often takes the bait.”
None of which comes as a surprise to those who dealt with Mr. Trump or studied his life before he became president. In real estate, he found he could overcome crises by bluffing his way past regulators, bullying the bankers and bamboozling the tabloids.
When banks came after him for overdue loans, he pushed back, arguing that it was in their interest that his brand not be harmed by calling him out. When contractors demanded to be paid, he found complaints about their work and refused, leading in part to more than 3,500 lawsuits. When his first two marriages fell apart, he took a scorched-earth approach against his wives, leaking to New York’s gossip columnists even if it meant his children watched ugly divorces play out in public.
“The typical modus operandi from him is to bluff, is to fake, is to deny,” said Jack O’Donnell, the former president of Trump Plaza Hotel and Casino in Atlantic City.
When Mr. Trump prepared to open the Trump Taj Mahal in Atlantic City in 1990 and ran into trouble with the authorities, he summoned Mr. O’Donnell. “He told them I was an expert in operations and I could fix this,” Mr. O’Donnell recalled. “And they believed him. I was dumbfounded. He was completely bluffing them.”
A subway station in Brooklyn. The governor of New York on Friday urged people to stay home.Credit...Demetrius Freeman for The New York Times
To Mr. Trump, most of his crises were about paper and money, not people. The self-described “king of debt” treated loan repayments almost as if they were optional and made it a mantra never to back down. “I figured it was the bank’s problem, not mine,” he wrote in one of his books. “What the hell did I care? I actually told one bank, ‘I told you, you shouldn’t have loaned me that money.’”
Perhaps the only time before his presidency that the human toll of a crisis really struck Mr. Trump in a personal way came when three of his executives died in a helicopter crash heading to Atlantic City. He seemed genuinely shaken, visiting the widows to share in their grief.
“I actually think he handled that situation about as well as you could expect from him,” Mr. O’Donnell said. “It was such a shock to him. It was the first time I heard fear in his voice. It was the first time I saw empathy, that I saw emotion from him, because he realized the human loss there.”
Even then, Mr. Trump could not help inserting himself into the story, suggesting falsely that he almost boarded the helicopter himself. And within months, with his Taj project flailing, Mr. Trump began publicly attributing problems to the dead executives. In a crisis, “he always was more focused on who he could blame versus fixing the problem,” said Mr. O’Donnell, who quit in disgust.
Nor did Mr. Trump exhibit much empathy for the workers who lost their jobs when his casinos went bust. Instead, when asked about his failed Atlantic City ventures, he emphasizes his own ability to escape unharmed. “The money I took out of there was incredible,” he once told The New York Times.
The closest analog to the current situation may be the aftermath of the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, another national trauma. Mr. Trump tried to thrust himself into the news coverage, telling an interviewer by phone that day that with the destruction of the World Trade Center he now had the tallest building in New York City, a claim that was not even true. He also has said he spent extensive time around the site trying to help the cleanup, a claim that has never been verified.
With the airports closed at the time, Mr. Trump was asked to provide his private plane to fly Mayor Rudolph W. Giuliani and Gov. George E. Pataki to Washington for President George W. Bush’s address to Congress. Mr. Trump agreed — but in return asked for help getting permission to travel from Washington to another destination when others were grounded.
By his own account, Mr. Trump never imagined that he would be facing a pandemic, an invisible killer immune to bluster. “In every previous occasion, he was facing a human being or groups of human beings,” said Gwenda Blair, the author of a biography of the Trump family. “And obviously the coronavirus, it’s not a person, can’t be bullied.”
So Mr. Trump, with his recent descriptions of a war to be won over a “foreign enemy,” is seeking a dynamic that he is familiar with, personifying the virus as an opponent to be beaten, framing it as the kind of crisis he knows how to tackle. “He’s trying to make it into a win-lose situation,” she said. “That’s how he sees the world — winners, him, losers everybody else. He’s trying to make the coronavirus into a loser and himself the winner.”
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